An analysis of the magazine Wartha
In this last section I will attempt to put the analysis of Wartha and the Malayali community in a theoretical framework using Jenkins (1994) . He argues that ethnicity is transactional in nature (198) which means that it is neither static nor defined uniformly. In his view, there is an interaction of two processes, of the process of internal definition by the ethnic group itself and the process of external definition by outsiders. The distinction of both definitions is primarily analytical as only at the meeting of them (social) identity is created. (198-199) To illustrate the differences between internal and external definitions further Jenkins introduces the distinction between groups which are internally defined with its members perceiving themselves as having a common identity and categorisations which are defined from the outside and put together people who might not consider themselves as having anything in common (200). Public image and self image are thus initially in most cases not the same. The latter is the way in which we see ourselves and in which we want others to see us. As the self is not well-defined but rather can be assembled from a wide range of components, the self image presented will depend on the social situation, in particular so as one can only successfully create an image of oneself if it is validated by others. (204) This means that the self image will be adjusted to categorisation by others, especially so if they are in a dominant position (206). Such an internalisation of external categorising can have many reasons. Firstly, in the simplest case it can be that internal and external definition coincide. Secondly, as a result of persistent non-conflictual interaction of groups and the permeability of ethnic boundaries cultural change in this manner will take place naturally. Thirdly, people might perceive the outsider who makes the categorisation to have a legitimate authority and thus they will conform to it. Fourthly, if there is a lack of acceptance a categorisation can be forced on people by a powerful authority. And finally, the categorised who object to the external definition paradoxically internalise in order to fight it. (216-217)
Such an interaction between internal and external definition seems to be at work also in the case of the Malayali community. The nurses and their families perceive themselves to come from a country with a rich culture which in their view has more to offer than the German one. Furthermore, they see themselves as having contributed much to the German society, especially so as they came to the country to help out in a state of emergency in the health sector and ever since have cared for the most vulnerable of the society. Accordingly, the members of the Malayali community regard themselves on the one hand as deserving middle class status and recognition, and on the other hand as having the right to retain their traditions. This internal definition, however, is challenged by several external categorisations. Firstly, the state defines all those members of the community who have not adopted the German citizenship as foreigners who have only restricted civil rights and who are seen to have retained their prime loyalty, and thus belonging, to their country of origin. Secondly, the majority of the media categorises all ethnic minorities as having come to Germany in order to improve their own welfare rather than as contributing to an increase in society’s standard of living. Furthermore, the media construct the already discussed image of a backward but spiritual India. These categorisations, finally, strengthen the general public’s identification of colour and visibly differing culture with alienness and non-belonging to Germany.
The Malayali community is thus confronted with a public image which puts them in the same category as all other ethnic minorities and is the basis for a sense of superiority and rejection on the side of the German majority. This clearly conflicts with the community’s self image and thus leads to some insecurity about the own identity and one’s role in society. Out of this situation of lacking security the categorisation is fought not by questioning its general validity but by attempting to show that it is misapplied in this particular case. It is internalised and tackled from within by emphasising all those parts which can be used in favour of the community, such as showing that all the positive associations Germans have with India are part of their identity, and trying to disprove the negative attributions such as the backwardness of India, the idea of Malayalis being like all the other foreigners a burden to the society and unsuccessful in achieving anything. The strategy is thus threefold, distancing the community from other ethnic minorities, assimilating to core German values and showing the worth of the own culture. In order to successfully pursue this it is necessary for the individual to be backed by others who are in the same situation and thus community spirit is so important. In this situation also the process of detachment from the culture of the parents on the side of the second generation, which is the natural result of their socialisation in the German society, appears as a threat to the parents’ identity as it seems to imply that their way of living is not considered acceptable. The parents’ concern for the second generation and the attempt to bind their children to their ‘traditional’ culture is thus not surprising.
The magazine Wartha creates a self image of the Malayali community which is considered by it to be able to influence public image sufficiently in its favour. Given this it is not so important in how far it resembles the community’s and its members’ actual position in society and also not that the public image will not really be influenced by a small niche magazine like Wartha. The important aspect is that the readers are provided with a ‘positive’ (constructed) identity which reassures them in the still alien environment. Thus, Wartha is so popular.
1. Introduction
1.1. The 'Malayali Community' in Germany
1.2. The state of research in 1998
2. The magazine Wartha
2.1. The concept of Wartha
2.2. Whose views are represented in Wartha
2.3. The major event in the 'Malayali community' - The Kerala
Meela
2.4. Pattern of contents
3. An analysis of the contents
3.1. Pan-Indian claim
3.2. Image of India
3.3. The 'Malayali Community'
3.4. The Second Generation
3.5. Missing issues